Parenting in Australia

I. Introduction: Contextualizing Indigenous Child Rearing in Australia

The study of infant-rearing practices among Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples of Australia requires a framework that acknowledges both the profound cultural strength of traditional methods and the debilitating impact of historical and ongoing systemic intervention. This report uses the respectful terminology, "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples" or "First Nations Australian children and families," recognizing the status of Australia’s First Peoples, who comprise hundreds of distinct language groups and cultures.

1.1. Terminology and Foundational Principles

A fundamental principle governing this analysis is the recognition that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures are not monolithic.¹ Traditional child-rearing practices and contemporary adaptations vary considerably based on geographical location. Significant variation exists across urban, rural, and remote communities, influenced by factors such as access to services, community socioeconomic status, and varying levels of exposure to traditional culture.¹ Therefore, practices detailed herein represent common cultural values and norms, while acknowledging that specific implementation differs regionally. The primary objective of examining these practices is to validate traditional methods, analyze how they have been modified by mainstream influences and colonialism, and highlight contemporary, Indigenous-led initiatives that promote cultural continuity and child wellbeing.³

1.2. The Historical and Systemic Context of Intervention

The contemporary context of Indigenous Australian parenting is inseparable from the history of settler-colonialism.³ Historical factors, including ongoing dispossession, marginalization, and racism, coupled with the tragic legacy of past policies such as the forced removal of children (the Stolen Generations), have compromised the strength and resilience of many Indigenous families.¹ This structural trauma provides the background necessary for understanding contemporary challenges, notably the significant over-representation of Aboriginal children in out-of-home care.³

The persistent high rates of intervention by child welfare systems are a continuation of settler-colonial surveillance and control.⁵ In assessing this field of study, it is necessary to acknowledge that the recognized "dearth of literature available on traditional Aboriginal child rearing" ³ is not merely a gap in academic documentation. This absence reflects a historical reality where traditional knowledge was suppressed or deliberately misinterpreted by colonizing forces as 'primitive' or 'dysfunctional,' contributing to structural erasure. Consequently, contemporary scholarly efforts to document and validate traditional practices are crucial acts of cultural reclamation. The challenges currently faced by First Nations children, including poor health, educational, and social outcomes compared to non-Indigenous children, are directly impacted by these multiple complex problems, requiring a systemic, rather than individual, focus for remedy.¹

II. The Relational Child: Kinship, Country, and Collectivist Ontologies

The conceptualization of the child in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures rests on a foundation of relational ontologies, defining identity and security through connections that extend far beyond the Western nuclear family unit.

2.1. Kinship: The Extended Web of Care and Obligation

The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander family system is characterized by an extended family structure, where the responsibility for raising children is communal and collectivist.⁶ This system dictates that child-rearing responsibilities extend beyond immediate biological parents to include extended kinship networks, encompassing aunts, uncles, cousins, and grandparents.⁶

The kinship system is a complex, dynamic structure that determines where an individual fits within their community, guiding social behaviour and establishing mutual obligations.⁶ The value of this system is that it structures vital relationships, for example, influencing who will care for a child if a parent dies, who is responsible for the sick, or even who can marry whom.⁶ The collectivist approach is a shared value system that facilitates bonding within the community.⁷ Consistent care provided by these extended family members and kin is culturally considered the most preferable and appropriate option for children needing care.⁸

This collective nature of care functions as a powerful, built-in safety mechanism and a primary source of resilience. The infant develops internal representations of connections that provide a foundational sense of safety, identity, and belonging across the entire lifecourse.⁸ By distributing emotional and physical care responsibilities across numerous kin, the system ensures that the sudden absence, distress, or incapacity of one biological parent does not automatically lead to the removal or severing of the child’s security network. However, this dispersed responsibility, which is a source of intrinsic cultural strength and resilience, has often been misinterpreted by non-Indigenous child protection systems applying a culturally narrow lens, leading to assessments that mistakenly label these strong, extended structures as 'unstable' or 'unsupervised'.¹⁰

2.2. Conception and Identity: The Spiritual Being

The understanding of a child's identity begins with conception beliefs, which convey the child’s meaning as an embodied, socially embedded, and inherently spiritual being.¹¹ The foundational identity and sense of self are inextricably linked to the metaphysical and physical realm through connections to Ancestors and the natural world, known as Country.⁹

For infants and young children, identity is actively supported and developed by fostering their knowledge and appreciation of their Country and maintaining strong connections with their community.⁸ This integrated relational worldview ensures that children learn about their family connections and where they belong in relation to others, integrating them into the cultural and spiritual landscape immediately, providing a secure foundation for navigating life’s challenges.⁶

2.3. Child Autonomy and Learning by Observation

Traditional Aboriginal child rearing often emphasizes the principle of child autonomy and relies on non-punitive methods of guidance and discipline.³ This parenting style typically involves allowing children to learn through observational participation in daily adult life and community activities, rather than through structured, didactic instruction common in many Western educational models.¹²

This difference in pedagogical approach can become a source of cultural conflict. For instance, external observers evaluating school readiness or developmental milestones may mistakenly penalize a child whose learning style is observational and contextual, rather than responsive to direct, authority-driven instruction.² Supporting a child’s transition to formal education requires strong relationships with parents that validate and build upon culturally relevant learning strategies, such as using the local environment (like drawing pictures in the sand on the beach) to foster literacy concepts.¹²

III. Infant Care and Physical Wellbeing: The First 1000 Days

The period from conception through to a child's second birthday—the first 1000 days—is a crucial developmental window.¹³ Traditional practices have historically focused on secure attachment and health outcomes, although these efforts are now often complicated by contemporary socioeconomic and structural disadvantages.

3.1. Sleep Ecology: Co-Sleeping and Risk Mitigation

Co-sleeping, defined as a mother or carer sharing the same sleep surface with a baby, is a widespread cultural norm in many Indigenous communities, particularly as it mutually supports breastfeeding.¹⁴ Breastfeeding itself is recognized internationally as having a protective effect against Sudden Unexpected Death in Infancy (SUDI), partly because breastfed babies are more easily roused than formula-fed babies during the critical SIDS age range (two to four months).¹⁵

Despite the protective effect of breastfeeding, the risk of SUDI is three times higher for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander babies compared with non-Indigenous infants.¹⁴ This heightened risk is associated with co-sleeping occurring in hazardous circumstances, which frequently result from structural health inequity, such as severe overcrowding, poor housing quality, and exposure to factors like smoking.¹⁴

It is essential to distinguish between the cultural practice and the structural risk. The cultural norm of shared sleep is safe and beneficial when structural risks are absent. The disproportionate SUDI rate is, therefore, primarily a manifestation of deep-seated health equity issues, not a failure of cultural practice. To address this, community-led solutions have been highly effective. The Pēpi-pod Program, for instance, used a community participatory approach to introduce a portable, safe sleep space—a polypropylene box transformed into a safe infant bed—embedded within safe sleep health promotion.¹⁴ This strategy respected the cultural practice of shared sleeping arrangements while successfully mitigating identified risk factors, demonstrating the feasibility and acceptability of culturally adapted interventions.¹⁴

3.2. Holistic Maternal and Infant Health Models

To achieve equity in early-life outcomes, the "First 1000 Days Australia" model was developed through an Indigenous-led engagement process. This framework broadened the international focus beyond mere nutrition, adopting a holistic view of health and wellbeing that recognizes the centrality of culture in reinforcing and strengthening families.¹³ Developed adhering to Indigenous methodologies and emphasizing Indigenous leadership, this model promotes mutual trust and solidarity to achieve early-life equity.¹³

Further evidence confirms that culturally specific and tailored midwifery continuity models significantly contribute to closing the health gap between First Nations and non-First Nations peoples.¹⁷ Programs such as Baggarrook Yurrongi and 'Birthing on Country' initiatives successfully integrate evidence-based Western medical maternity care with traditional cultural caring practices.¹⁸ For example, the Galiwin'ku Djäkamirr Program trains local Yolŋu djäkamirr (cultural birth companions) by embedding Yolŋu knowledge into professional training, supporting local women during pregnancy and birth, even if they must travel off Country.¹⁸ Widespread scale-up of these gold standard models is now viewed as a national priority to ensure all women having a First Nations baby receive this level of care.¹⁷ Policy initiatives like the National Framework for Health Services for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children and Families and the Connected Beginnings program support the integration of early childhood health and education services based on Indigenous principles and community need.¹⁹

The following comparison illustrates core differences between relational Indigenous norms and common mainstream Western norms in infant care, highlighting areas where cultural conflict often arises due to differing foundational values.

Table 1: Contrasting Indigenous and Mainstream Infant Care Practices

IV. Social Development and Epistemic Critique of Western Frameworks

The application of Western psychological and developmental science within Australia’s child protection and welfare systems represents a significant area of conflict, often resulting in the pathologizing of Indigenous cultural norms.

4.1. The Critique of Attachment Theory and Epistemic Violence

Child protection systems in Australia continue to disproportionately investigate Aboriginal families and remove children, often applying non-Indigenous constructs of child development.⁵ Attachment theory is a prevalent framework used in these contexts, yet its application frequently reflects dominant socio-cultural perceptions that severely misrepresent the developmental needs and relational structures of Aboriginal families.²⁰

In Aboriginal relational ontologies, a child's primary security base is derived from the collective—the entire kinship network, community, Country, and Ancestors.⁵ This contrasts sharply with the Western framework’s emphasis on the individualized, dyadic bond between mother and infant. When developmental assessments based on dyadic norms are applied to a child raised with dispersed, communal security, the results can be misinterpreted, leading to conclusions of 'insecurity' or 'instability.'

The institutional use of these culturally narrow models, particularly when justifying child removal, constitutes a form of epistemic violence.⁵ This term describes the perpetration of harm under a veneer of scientific authority, whereby Aboriginal relational ontologies are pathologized to fit the requirements of settler-colonial intervention. Addressing the enduring inequities requires a fundamental structural transformation, prioritizing a frame for attachment and development that genuinely respects Aboriginal worldviews.⁵

4.2. Language Acquisition and Intergenerational Transmission

Language acquisition is critical for cultural continuity and developmental success. Data from the Longitudinal Study of Indigenous Children (LSIC) indicated that at wave one (ages 0 to 2), approximately 16.0% of children were learning to speak an Indigenous language.²¹ The transmission of language is highly dependent on intergenerational exchange: 67.2% of children learned an Indigenous language when their primary caregiver spoke one, compared to just 6.9% when the caregiver did not.²¹

Furthermore, early communication challenges demonstrate a significant link to subsequent educational disadvantage. Parental reporting of Speech and Language Concern (SLC) in early childhood (ages 3–5) is an important early indicator of poor educational outcomes later in primary school, manifesting as significantly lower scores across all subjects of the National Assessment Program-Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN).²²

For children to achieve educational equity, it is imperative to support both the maintenance of Indigenous languages and the early identification and remediation of SLC.²¹ This underscores the importance of building robust relationships between educational and health service providers and parents, ensuring that culturally relevant learning strategies are supported at home to maximize a child’s trajectory of learning and development.¹²

V. Indigenous-Led Solutions and Cultural Continuity in Practice

The most effective strategies for ensuring positive outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children are those built on the foundation of self-determination, utilizing Indigenous knowledge systems to drive community-led change.

5.1. Scaling Up Culturally Tailored Models

Evidence clearly demonstrates that the urgency to improve health outcomes requires the widespread scale-up of evidence-based, culturally specific services.¹⁷ Successful Indigenous-led models, such as 'Birthing on Country' and the First 1000 Days Australia framework ¹³, rely on Indigenous leadership and the integration of traditional and Western knowledge—sometimes termed a Two-Eyed Seeing approach.²³

In clinical and practice settings, strategies for supporting Indigenous children's wellness emphasize prioritizing relational building before engaging in clinical or professional questions.²³ This involves fundamental practices such as being at eye level, asking permission to speak, inquiring about the family and community first, and even learning and using local Indigenous phrases.²³ The overarching goal is a shift toward healing and prevention, supported by the development of culturally safe care environments that integrate traditional health services and ceremony.²³

5.2. A Cultural Lens in Child Protection

A critical measure to combat the over-representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children in child protection systems is the mandate to develop and build upon knowledge of Indigenous family structures and child-rearing practices among practitioners.¹⁰ Applying a cultural lens to risk assessment and decision-making is necessary because Indigenous communal approaches and extended family structures have often been misconstrued as 'dysfunctional,' rather than recognized as fundamental sources of cultural strength.¹⁰

The value of continued links to family and kin cannot be overstated. Ensuring that children coming into out-of-home care are connected with their family and Country provides familiarity, belonging, cultural identity, and a supportive network that fosters resilience.⁸ Kinship placement is regarded as the most preferable and culturally appropriate option, ensuring that children are placed with people who know their identity.⁸

5.3. Policy Partnerships and the Drive for Self-Determination

The move towards greater self-determination is formalized through partnerships such as the Early Childhood Care & Development Policy Partnership (ECCDPP).²⁴ This collaborative structure brings Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders (including Peaks and independent experts, like SNAICC ²⁵) together with government representatives to negotiate, make shared decisions, and drive reforms that support the National Agreement on Closing the Gap.²⁴ This approach ensures that policies are community-led and accurately reflect the strengths and needs of children and families, rather than being imposed externally.²⁴

Table 2: Overview of Key Indigenous-Led Early Childhood Initiatives

VI. Integration of Media, Education, and Practice Recommendations

The dissemination of knowledge regarding Indigenous infant care must be supported by culturally appropriate media and resources, coupled with actionable practice guidelines for professional sectors.

6.1. Media Integration: Utilizing Video for Education and Cultural Awareness

Reputable Indigenous organizations such as SNAICC ²⁵ and the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation (NACCHO) ²⁶ provide authoritative resources. Educational video content serves multiple purposes:

1.     Cultural Education: Resources like those featuring "Ozzie" introduce children to essential cultural practices and knowledge, such as Acknowledgement of Country, smoking ceremonies, and Dreamtime stories like The Rainbow Serpent.²⁷

2.     Health Promotion and Resilience: Programs such as "Step by Step" document successful community-based primary healthcare and educational initiatives that focus on prevention, health promotion, and building pride and resilience in Indigenous young people.¹⁶

3.     Community Practice: Videos can effectively model how educators and professionals build strong, trust-based relationships with parents, demonstrating how to integrate cultural context (e.g., using the natural environment for literacy activities) into everyday learning to support school readiness.¹²

While culturally affirming media showcases resilience, it is also important to acknowledge that investigative documentaries sometimes expose the severe systemic harms endured by Indigenous children, such as footage highlighting the distressing treatment of children in police watch houses.²⁸ These accounts provide stark evidence of the structural failures that necessitate cultural competence and policy reform across legal, health, and welfare systems.

6.2. Recommendations for Practitioners: Building Relational Competence

Practitioners, particularly those in health, education, and child protection, must adopt practices centered on Aboriginal relational competence:

1.     Prioritize Relationship Building: Clinicians and service providers must adopt practices that prioritize relational building and mutual trust before conducting clinical or investigatory interviews.¹² This includes simple, yet powerful, acts like learning local Indigenous phrases, communicating at eye level, and always asking about the family and community before addressing the individual.²³

2.     Abandon Pathologizing Frameworks: Professionals must receive advanced training in Aboriginal relational ontologies to prevent the misapplication of Western psychological constructs.⁵ It is essential to recognize that Indigenous communal child-rearing practices represent a source of strength, not dysfunction, and should be assessed based on Indigenous definitions of social and emotional wellbeing.¹⁰

6.3. Recommendations for Policy: Structural Transformation

Addressing the entrenched inequities facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children requires structural, rather than superficial, policy reform:

1.     Sustained Investment in Indigenous-Led Models: Policy must prioritize sustained funding for the widespread scale-up of evidence-based, Indigenous-led early childhood and maternal health models, such as Birthing on Country and First 1000 Days Australia, which have demonstrable success in closing health outcome gaps.¹³

2.     Legislative Mandate for Cultural Competence: Legislation and departmental guidelines must be reformed to enforce the priority of kinship care placements ⁸ and to mandate culturally competent risk assessment criteria that actively seek to validate and understand traditional child-rearing practices, thereby dismantling the epistemic violence inherent in current decision-making frameworks.⁵

VII. Conclusion: Sustaining Cultural Strength and Achieving Self-Determination

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander infant-rearing practices are characterized by a sophisticated and deeply rooted collectivist system, founded on kinship responsibility, spiritual connection to Country and Ancestors, and relational security. This model, which emphasizes child autonomy and dispersed care across a supportive network, represents a powerful source of cultural resilience.

However, this cultural strength is constantly challenged by the enduring legacy of historical trauma, systemic marginalization, and the ongoing imposition of culturally inappropriate Western theoretical frameworks, particularly within child protection. The high rates of intervention and poor health outcomes for Indigenous infants are symptoms of structural inequality, not cultural deficit.

The evidence is clear that genuine improvements in outcomes for First Nations children are achieved only through self-determination and the implementation of Indigenous-led, evidence-based models. Achieving equity requires a national commitment to scaling up culturally tailored health and early education initiatives and fundamentally reforming legislative and policy frameworks to ensure Indigenous worldviews form the basis of all intervention and support systems. Future research must prioritize longitudinal studies that measure success based on Indigenous definitions of social and emotional wellbeing and connection to Country, thus contributing to the sustained maintenance of cultural strength.

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